| Translation of Russian political analyst
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| | narrow-minded anachronism.Russian
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| Alexey Pushkov's article of the same
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| | politicians still argue which party to
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| name.Handing over power to Vladimir Putin
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| | pattern our economy and policy on -
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| in 1999, Boris Yeltsin sought to preserve
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| | Europe or the USA. Oh, but we must
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| the political alignment of forces and
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| | pattern them on Russia, the total of its
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| coordinates he set during his rule in
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| | interests! Checking our interests with
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| Russia in 1991-1999. The project 'Heir'
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| | those of other counrties, of
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| did not only imply selecting a man from
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| | course.Sixth. Under Putin the country's
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| Yeltsin's 'camp', but the one who would
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| | controllability was restored, its slow
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| preserve the status quo of the regime.
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| | desintegration was stopped. When Yeltsin
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| This is indicated, among other things, by
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| | was in office the national republics fell
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| the fact that he insisted on his 'key
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| | off the Union, break-away sentiments
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| men' Alexey Voloshin and Mikhail Kasyanov
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| | appeared in the Chechen, Tartar and other
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| to have the longest possible term in
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| | autonomous republics, even certain
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| office.However, the overall results of
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| | Russian regions began to claim autonomy
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| Putin's five-year office show that he has
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| | (let us remember the Urals Republic
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| discarded most of Yeltsin's
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| | proposed by the Urals governor Eduard
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| heritage.First of all, he bridged the
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| | Rossel). This process was slow, but it
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| basic gap of Yeltsin's epoch, the gap
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| | endangered the country's integrity.
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| between the left and the right wings.
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| | Meanwhile Yeltsin took the 'gulp as much
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| Under Yeltsin, there was a continuous
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| | sovereignty as you can' stance.Zbignev
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| struggle between the authority, on the
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| | Bzhezinsky, a well-known American
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| one hand, and the communists, patriots
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| | political scientist, published a map
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| and socialist-oriented part of the
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| | where Russia was divided into three
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| population, on the other. The country was
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| | countries: European, Siberian and Far
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| fevered by constant strife; the State
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| | Eastern. That was his tentative project
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| Duma, where the communists had majority,
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| | for Russia. Yes, there was a possibility
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| being in the vanguard of struggle with
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| | of such an outcome - take the town of
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| Yeltsin and the elite, could not carry
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| | Khasavyurt in Dagestan, a part of Russia
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| out the legislative process, as their
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| | that was given 5 years' independence. The
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| laws did not suit the executive and were
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| | danger of disintegration is still
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| virtually directed against the
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| | looming, although the Center is keen on
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| latter.Putin neutralised the left,
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| | consolidating the country. Putin lifted
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| adopting much of their arguments: Russia
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| | the national morale and showed that
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| does have the acute demographic problem
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| | separatism will not go unpunished. He
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| (the low birth- and high death-rates),
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| | should beware, though, putting too much
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| the oligarchy dominance, corruption and
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| | pressure on the national republics and
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| weak army. These points were taken upon
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| | divesting them of their rights, as it may
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| by Putin in his election program, at
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| | cause an outburst of nationalism.Seventh.
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| least as a rhetoric (in the part of
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| | Despite all the drawbacks of the present
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| olgarchy limitations and army financing
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| | government, V. Putin was able to win back
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| they were put into actual practice).
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| | people's trust for public authority.
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| Then, Putin broke the Communists'
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| | There is no trace of 'devilry around the
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| 'monopoly' on patriotism, thus rendering
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| | throne', so glaring in Yeltsin's time and
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| their traditional 'anti-people's regime'
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| | headed by Boris Berezovsky. Even the
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| rant meaningless.Communists are now heard
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| | liberal journalists, who criticise,
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| only when the authority initiates rash,
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| | sometimes unreservedly, the present
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| unprepared and ill-grounded laws, like
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| | government, admit that there was a
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| the monetisation of perquisites for
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| | mafia-like 'family clan' around Yeltsin,
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| pensioners - the measure, which was not
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| | which held power in the country. True,
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| enough elucidated in the press.Secondly,
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| | there are various factions and
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| the President was able to revamp the
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| | influential groups, promoting their
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| pattern of power and unite the elite.
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| | interests and struggling with each other
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| Putin assigned the issues of economy to
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| | in today's administration, but none of
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| liberal democrats, those of security - to
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| | these claim to have entire power, to be
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| the military and law enforcement, and
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| | the only decision-makers.Some people say
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| entrusted the administrators who
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| | V. Putin's team is not united. Yes, there
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| succeeded in retaining power in later
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| | are controversies in it. But, on the
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| Yeltsin's weakened hands with domestic
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| | other hand, there is no 'family' either.
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| policy. These are all very different
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| | St. Petersburg's representatives were at
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| people representing differents parts of
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| | first considered more 'close' to the
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| the elite, but to a certain extent united
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| | President than others, but it was not
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| under Putin.Why did the Union of the
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| | born out, say, Dmitry Kozak, was
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| Right Forces (the SPS) lose the recent
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| | dispatched to the Southern Federal
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| election? Because it was no longer
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| | District as the President's
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| indispensable: many government officers,
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| | plenipotentiary to deal with the Chechen
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| such as German Gref, Alexey Kudrin, Igor
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| | Republic and terrorism. Under V. Putin
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| Shuvalov pursue the rightist policy as it
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| | the 'office politics' (the code of
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| is. The perquisites monetisation,
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| | relations between officials) became
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| drafting the hyperliberal Forest Code,
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| | fundamentally different - meritocracy was
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| cancellation of State Standards for
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| | established.However, there are serious
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| pharmaceutical products and even
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| | problems ahead for Putin. He 'steered the
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| motioning prison privatisation are the
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| | ship about, but has not set a
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| telltale signs of the liberal course in
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| | well-defined course for her'.
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| Russia's domestic policy (whether these
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| | First. The economy grows largely due to
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| measures are for the good or for the bad
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| | the oil price rise. Russia hasn't begun
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| is another matter).V. Putin has in his
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| | forming a competitive economy -
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| arsenal not only the leftist, but also
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| | developing high technologies, launching
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| the rightist ideas. It is not accidental
| |
| | large-scale target programs, renovating
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| that Anatoly Chubais tried to throw in
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| | the defense establishments, etc. All
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| the catchphrase 'a liberal empire' to
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| | these could only be attained with the
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| define the present political system in
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| | participation of the state, but it left
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| Russia - the SPS was losing its 'property
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| | the economy to its devices. The positive
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| right' for liberal reforms.
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| | dynamics of Russia's economy won't keep,
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| Neutralisation of the right wing is the
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| | if the oil prices drop.The economy
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| third accomplishment of Putin's
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| | remains passive: it absorbs enormous sums
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| office.Fourth. Putin was able to
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| | of money and yields 6-7 percent growth,
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| considerably weaken the influence of big
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| | but Russia keeps selling its staple raw
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| business on the State machinery and
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| | materials and does not work up new
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| policy. Mikhail Khodorkovsky made an
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| | foreign markets. There is no growth in
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| attempt of directly converting money into
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| | mechanical engineering exports, nor in
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| power, like at a bureau de change - he
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| | high tech production. However, the
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| offered 15 billion roubles for power in
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| | competitive strength of an economy is
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| Russia. His plan was frustrated by Putin.
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| | determined by these two factors, and not
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| Some people say, it is not democratic.
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| | by raw materials, but by finished goods.
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| But did Khodorkovsky act in a democratic
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| | So far Russia's economy has not been set
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| way? How were the 15 billion rubles
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| | for efficiency, no innovative
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| obtained? In general terms, does big
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| | breakthrough has been made.Second. The
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| money entitle a person to power purchase?
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| | situation in Chechnya is much more
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| The history of Russian oligarchy is
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| | serious than it may seem, and the Chechen
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| essentially about converting money into
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| | leader Ahmad Kadyrov's assassination is a
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| power. Boris Berezovsky and Vladimir
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| | heavy blow to the peace in this region.
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| Gusinsky were doing it through mass
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| | Though there is no war in the classic
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| media, for example, when in 1996 Gusinsky
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| | sense there, as separatists have no power
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| helped Yeltsin win the elections
| |
| | to 'fight on fronts', Chechnya is
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| enlisting the services of the
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| | pervaded with separatist and terrorist
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| establishment-sponsored television
| |
| | agents. Raids and acts of terrorism still
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| channel NTV, it was the direct conversion
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| | obtain in the region, and even spread to
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| of a media resource into power.Earlier in
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| | the country at large.Third. Vladimir
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| 1994 Alexander Korzhakov, the then Chief
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| | Putin has not yet created an efficient
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| of the President's Security Service,
| |
| | state machine. For example, the events in
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| conducted - by Yeltsin's instructions -
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| | Beslan on September 1-3 2004, when more
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| the 'mug in snow' operation against
| |
| | than 4,000 children and teachers were
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| Gusinsky, so that the oligarchs could
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| | held hostage, prove the low efficacy of
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| understand that authority should not be
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| | security service. Under B.Yeltsin the KGB
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| conflicted with, but paid off (not
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| | was being consistently wrecked under
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| necessarily with direct finance). So the
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| | pretence of fighting communism (the
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| oligarchs began to finance media to
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| | consequences of this act are not yet
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| brainwash people by meting out,
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| | fully overcome). Yet not one democratic
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| distorting information, misinforming,
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| | state could manage without strong
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| launching media attacks as a punishment
| |
| | security services, what was really needed
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| for public figures, orchestrating public
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| | is to reform the former Soviet
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| opinion, spin control and fixing
| |
| | intelligence.Fourth. Russia should
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| elections... For such services Berezovsky
| |
| | vindicate its positions in foreign policy
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| even obtained an office in the government
| |
| | with more firmness. American politicians
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| - he became deputy secretary of the
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| | spoke to me (Alexey Pushkov) about the
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| Security Council and was responsible for
| |
| | surprise Russia's refusal to back the war
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| the Chechen issues (a glaring absurdity
| |
| | in Iraq caused with the US
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| from today's perspective!).Berezovsky and
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| | administration. Why did Russia give an
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| Gusinsky believed that Yeltsin's apointee
| |
| | impression that it could be counted on in
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| Vladimir Putin would let them play their
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| | any matter, or that it shouldn't be
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| games as before. They were baulked in
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| | reckoned with? Because it had settled for
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| their plans. However, certain agressive
| |
| | anything the USA was doing, be it the
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| representatives of big business persisted
| |
| | withdrawal from the Anti-Missile Defence
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| in their struggle for power - the inertia
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| | Treaty (the Russian government's comment:
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| of complete license was too strong, the
| |
| | 'a deplorable error') or the second round
|
| sense of omnipotence struck root. 'We
| |
| | of the NATO expansion. The US
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| would beat Yeltsin all the same - while
| |
| | administration overestimated its
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| he had been learning to play domino, we
| |
| | influence on Moscow, but it was Russia
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| had mastered chess', said Leonid Nevzlin,
| |
| | who gave cause for this, adopting a
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| a businessman and public relations
| |
| | policy too 'comfortable' for the
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| expert. Mikhail Khodorkovsky's logic was
| |
| | USA.Unfortunately, many features of
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| of the same strain: the sense of
| |
| | Yeltsin's administration devolved on that
|
| exclusiveness prompted him to attempt to
| |
| | of Putin. The lack of publicity in
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| use financial clout and gain control over
| |
| | legislature is one of them. We are faced
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| the State Duma and the Federation
| |
| | with political reforms, which come as if
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| Council, thus becoming the 'power
| |
| | out of the blue - nobody has taken the
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| broker', de facto leader of the country.
| |
| | trouble to explain their essence and
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| That splendid coup was thwarted - Putin's
| |
| | prove their necessity. This is said to be
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| government wouldn't play either domino or
| |
| | the traditional Russian authoritarian
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| chess with Khodorkovsky, it simply
| |
| | style of administration. But bad
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| upturned the table. Some say it wasn't
| |
| | traditions should be changed, unless the
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| nice or fair. Perhaps. But it was not
| |
| | government is willing to stand aloof from
|
| fair play on the part of Khodorkovsky in
| |
| | its people.The main dangers impending
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| the first place.Khodorkovsky's political
| |
| | over Putin's administration are as
|
| failure as the failure of converting
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| | follows.The first is the situation in
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| money into power was logical. Yeltsin
| |
| | Chechnya. The efficiency of Putin's
|
| depended on the oligarchs, as he had no
| |
| | policy largely depends on his ability to
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| other 'point of rest', being politically
| |
| | settle the Chechen conflict. If the
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| and physically infirm, unpopular, and
| |
| | 'vertical of power' built by him does not
|
| undergoing persistent pressure from the
| |
| | yield fruit in that region, he will fail
|
| left wing. Contrariwise, Putin is
| |
| | to convince the country in the necessity
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| popular; he succeeded in uniting the
| |
| | of exerting control. It is precisely the
|
| elite and was able to move away from the
| |
| | issue of Chechnya that will be the
|
| oligarchs.Some political scientists
| |
| | touchstone of Putin's policy, both in
|
| maintain that the restriction of big
| |
| | Russia and internationally. The Chechen
|
| business power is wrong, as it entails
| |
| | war and terror became Putin's gravest
|
| the omnipotent power of State
| |
| | challenges, which demand the
|
| bureaucracy. True, the official powers
| |
| | consolidation of power, strengthening of
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| should be counterbalanced, otherwise the
| |
| | the State, and in some cases, turning the
|
| State becomes overpowering (this was
| |
| | screw. But if the screws are tight, and
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| Russia's permanent political bane, but
| |
| | the vehicle does not move, the question
|
| the country needed it because of its
| |
| | of the adequacy of such a policy will
|
| size, climate and a number of other
| |
| | arise.The second danger (more prominent
|
| factors). But Yeltsin's immoral big
| |
| | during his second term in office) is the
|
| business is not the kind of
| |
| | appearance of consolidated opposition. It
|
| counterbalance the community needs. While
| |
| | includes the liberal politicians who lost
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| Russia was historically better off unter
| |
| | the election in the Duma, but have a
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| total power, the oligarchs would retain
| |
| | solid support of big business, their own
|
| it, but make it inhuman and anti-national
| |
| | financial resources, and a substantial
|
| - even more unscrupulous, mercenary and
| |
| | backing from abroad. They are eager to
|
| corrupt. State totalitarianism would turn
| |
| | score political points using the
|
| into oligarchal totalitarianism. There
| |
| | government's mistakes. For example,
|
| was but imitation of democracy under
| |
| | against the logic of their liberal market
|
| Yeltsin, but if Khodorkovsky could have
| |
| | views, they are attacking the
|
| gained power, the political
| |
| | monetisation of perquisites for
|
| pseudodemocracy might have turned into
| |
| | pensioners. They are doing it, because
|
| oligarchal pseudodemocracy, with its
| |
| | the authority is vulnerable in this
|
| arsenal of manupulative and venal media.
| |
| | poorely prepared reform. The next power
|
| The restriction of oligarchal influence
| |
| | standing in opposition to Putin is the
|
| on the policy and strategy of the State
| |
| | 'exiled' oligarchs. Berezovsky, Gusinsky,
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| is necessary. Giving a resolute check to
| |
| | Nevzlin are people with resources, and
|
| Khodorkovsky's plans, Putin made him
| |
| | have connections in the West. Berezovsky
|
| understand that individuals (even very
| |
| | is quite frank in saying that his
|
| rich ones) cannot dictate the policy to
| |
| | principal goal is to weaken Putin's
|
| the State.Fifth. Putin proclaimed the
| |
| | regime. Then, the government is opposed
|
| foreign policy based on national
| |
| | by certain liberal media (which include
|
| priorities. Under Yeltsin it was based on
| |
| | several central TV channels of Russia),
|
| absolutely different principles: the
| |
| | especially their aggressive part backed
|
| first postulate was that Russia should at
| |
| | by the oppositional big business. A part
|
| all costs become the part of civilised
| |
| | of national and regional elite,
|
| world, implying the West; the second was
| |
| | displeased at the decision that regional
|
| that Russia has no national interests
| |
| | governors be appointed by the President
|
| basically different from those of the
| |
| | (and apprehending the restoration of the
|
| USA; the third was that Russia should
| |
| | unitarian state), may also join the
|
| completely reject the use of force in
| |
| | opposition. A part of liberal
|
| solving its political problems, as it is
| |
| | intelligentsia and the communists joining
|
| 'undemocratic'.Over the past 10 years we
| |
| | the liberals on certain points also swing
|
| have seen other nations solve their
| |
| | against the administration. Finally, the
|
| problems by various methods, including,
| |
| | anti-Russian and anti-Putin forces in the
|
| alas, the use of force as, for instance,
| |
| | West are also opposed to Putin. All the
|
| in Bosnia or in Iraq.We also realised,
| |
| | mentioned forces are, however, largely
|
| that the course of equating Russia's
| |
| | outnumbered by Putin's supporters (in
|
| political interests with those of US or
| |
| | Russia the ratio is about one to ten).
|
| EU is not absolutely correct. Putin
| |
| | Nevertheless, they should be reckoned
|
| agreed with the USA in the crucial issue
| |
| | with.Putin has few propagandists of his
|
| of fighting terrorism, but he made it
| |
| | ideas and proposals. He himself has to
|
| clear that our countries' views on some
| |
| | explain his home and foreign policy, the
|
| other issues differ. He is not afraid to
| |
| | ideas of his political reforms. His press
|
| say that Russia has inherent interests in
| |
| | secretaries and information services keep
|
| the countries of the CIS (Commonwealth of
| |
| | silence, although it is their duty to
|
| Independent States), even if it may annoy
| |
| | compete with the huge bulk of anti-Putin
|
| some political parties abroad. However,
| |
| | propaganda. The system lacks people with
|
| the practical realisation of Russia's
| |
| | active ideological and political
|
| national interests may be impeded by two
| |
| | thinking, capable of supporting its plans
|
| factors: the cosmopolitan character of
| |
| | and decisions. And this is in the face of
|
| big business and the 'anational'
| |
| | strong opposition, nostalgic for
|
| mentality of the younger generation of
| |
| | Yeltsin's Russia - weak, docile, corrupt,
|
| Russians, formed during the past 10
| |
| | and disintegrating.However, if the
|
| years.'Paying taxes is our only duty, and
| |
| | efficiency of administration rises, the
|
| we owe nobody but God and our
| |
| | economy grows, the opposition will have
|
| conscience', Peter Aven, a business and
| |
| | to bear Putin's 'authoritarian
|
| media tycoon, said in his interview. Yes,
| |
| | liberalism'. Conversely, if there are no
|
| but if an individual knows neither God
| |
| | tangible results, he will be accused of
|
| nor conscience? Why should big business
| |
| | sacrificing democracy. Putin must prove
|
| detach itself from the rest of the
| |
| | that his model is efficient.The period of
|
| nation? Russia's big business is
| |
| | authoritarian development is inevitable.
|
| essentially cosmopolitan, not to say
| |
| | The liberals condemn Putin's policy as
|
| anti-national.As for the 'anational'
| |
| | restoration, but restoration is a normal
|
| mentality, it becomes apparent from the
| |
| | practice for any country after a sharp
|
| fact that younger people, even those
| |
| | 'side slip'. If a nation loses capacity
|
| whose major at universities is political
| |
| | for correcting its 'side slips', it may,
|
| science, sometimes question the necessity
| |
| | like a car, roll over at a sharp turn of
|
| of Russia's 'special attutude' towards
| |
| | history. Restoration is the nation's
|
| certain issues. 'Why don't we just trim
| |
| | adaptation to new conditions, its
|
| ourselves to the US position?', they ask.
| |
| | self-regulation, aligning a car after a
|
| The notion of 'national interests', as
| |
| | drastic side slip.
|
| well as patriotism, has been decried as
| |
| |
|