Restoration in Russia: Much Needed and Inevitable

Translation of Russian political analyst Alexeynarrow-minded anachronism.Russian politicians still
Pushkov's article of the same name.Handing overargue which party to pattern our economy and policy
power to Vladimir Putin in 1999, Boris Yeltsin soughton - Europe or the USA. Oh, but we must pattern
to preserve the political alignment of forces andthem on Russia, the total of its interests! Checking
coordinates he set during his rule in Russia inour interests with those of other counrties, of
1991-1999. The project 'Heir' did not only implycourse.Sixth. Under Putin the country's controllability
selecting a man from Yeltsin's 'camp', but the onewas restored, its slow desintegration was stopped.
who would preserve the status quo of the regime.When Yeltsin was in office the national republics fell
This is indicated, among other things, by the factoff the Union, break-away sentiments appeared in
that he insisted on his 'key men' Alexey Voloshin andthe Chechen, Tartar and other autonomous republics,
Mikhail Kasyanov to have the longest possible term ineven certain Russian regions began to claim
office.However, the overall results of Putin's five-yearautonomy (let us remember the Urals Republic
office show that he has discarded most of Yeltsin'sproposed by the Urals governor Eduard Rossel). This
heritage.First of all, he bridged the basic gap ofprocess was slow, but it endangered the country's
Yeltsin's epoch, the gap between the left and theintegrity. Meanwhile Yeltsin took the 'gulp as much
right wings. Under Yeltsin, there was a continuoussovereignty as you can' stance.Zbignev Bzhezinsky, a
struggle between the authority, on the one hand,well-known American political scientist, published a
and the communists, patriots and socialist-orientedmap where Russia was divided into three countries:
part of the population, on the other. The countryEuropean, Siberian and Far Eastern. That was his
was fevered by constant strife; the State Duma,tentative project for Russia. Yes, there was a
where the communists had majority, being in thepossibility of such an outcome - take the town of
vanguard of struggle with Yeltsin and the elite, couldKhasavyurt in Dagestan, a part of Russia that was
not carry out the legislative process, as their laws didgiven 5 years' independence. The danger of
not suit the executive and were virtually directeddisintegration is still looming, although the Center is
against the latter.Putin neutralised the left, adoptingkeen on consolidating the country. Putin lifted the
much of their arguments: Russia does have the acutenational morale and showed that separatism will not
demographic problem (the low birth- and highgo unpunished. He should beware, though, putting too
death-rates), the oligarchy dominance, corruption andmuch pressure on the national republics and divesting
weak army. These points were taken upon by Putinthem of their rights, as it may cause an outburst of
in his election program, at least as a rhetoric (in thenationalism.Seventh. Despite all the drawbacks of the
part of olgarchy limitations and army financing theypresent government, V. Putin was able to win back
were put into actual practice). Then, Putin broke thepeople's trust for public authority. There is no trace
Communists' 'monopoly' on patriotism, thus renderingof 'devilry around the throne', so glaring in Yeltsin's
their traditional 'anti-people's regime' ranttime and headed by Boris Berezovsky. Even the
meaningless.Communists are now heard only whenliberal journalists, who criticise, sometimes
the authority initiates rash, unprepared andunreservedly, the present government, admit that
ill-grounded laws, like the monetisation of perquisitesthere was a mafia-like 'family clan' around Yeltsin,
for pensioners - the measure, which was not enoughwhich held power in the country. True, there are
elucidated in the press.Secondly, the President wasvarious factions and influential groups, promoting their
able to revamp the pattern of power and unite theinterests and struggling with each other in today's
elite. Putin assigned the issues of economy to liberaladministration, but none of these claim to have entire
democrats, those of security - to the military and lawpower, to be the only decision-makers.Some people
enforcement, and entrusted the administrators whosay V. Putin's team is not united. Yes, there are
succeeded in retaining power in later Yeltsin'scontroversies in it. But, on the other hand, there is no
weakened hands with domestic policy. These are all'family' either. St. Petersburg's representatives were
very different people representing differents parts ofat first considered more 'close' to the President than
the elite, but to a certain extent united underothers, but it was not born out, say, Dmitry Kozak,
Putin.Why did the Union of the Right Forces (thewas dispatched to the Southern Federal District as
SPS) lose the recent election? Because it was nothe President's plenipotentiary to deal with the
longer indispensable: many government officers, suchChechen Republic and terrorism. Under V. Putin the
as German Gref, Alexey Kudrin, Igor Shuvalov pursue'office politics' (the code of relations between
the rightist policy as it is. The perquisitesofficials) became fundamentally different -
monetisation, drafting the hyperliberal Forest Code,meritocracy was established.However, there are
cancellation of State Standards for pharmaceuticalserious problems ahead for Putin. He 'steered the ship
products and even motioning prison privatisation areabout, but has not set a well-defined course for her'.
the telltale signs of the liberal course in Russia'sFirst. The economy grows largely due to the oil price
domestic policy (whether these measures are for therise. Russia hasn't begun forming a competitive
good or for the bad is another matter).V. Putin has ineconomy - developing high technologies, launching
his arsenal not only the leftist, but also the rightistlarge-scale target programs, renovating the defense
ideas. It is not accidental that Anatoly Chubais triedestablishments, etc. All these could only be attained
to throw in the catchphrase 'a liberal empire' to definewith the participation of the state, but it left the
the present political system in Russia - the SPS waseconomy to its devices. The positive dynamics of
losing its 'property right' for liberal reforms.Russia's economy won't keep, if the oil prices
Neutralisation of the right wing is the thirddrop.The economy remains passive: it absorbs
accomplishment of Putin's office.Fourth. Putin wasenormous sums of money and yields 6-7 percent
able to considerably weaken the influence of biggrowth, but Russia keeps selling its staple raw
business on the State machinery and policy. Mikhailmaterials and does not work up new foreign
Khodorkovsky made an attempt of directlymarkets. There is no growth in mechanical engineering
converting money into power, like at a bureau deexports, nor in high tech production. However, the
change - he offered 15 billion roubles for power incompetitive strength of an economy is determined
Russia. His plan was frustrated by Putin. Some peopleby these two factors, and not by raw materials, but
say, it is not democratic. But did Khodorkovsky act inby finished goods. So far Russia's economy has not
a democratic way? How were the 15 billion rublesbeen set for efficiency, no innovative breakthrough
obtained? In general terms, does big money entitle ahas been made.Second. The situation in Chechnya is
person to power purchase? The history of Russianmuch more serious than it may seem, and the
oligarchy is essentially about converting money intoChechen leader Ahmad Kadyrov's assassination is a
power. Boris Berezovsky and Vladimir Gusinsky wereheavy blow to the peace in this region. Though there
doing it through mass media, for example, when inis no war in the classic sense there, as separatists
1996 Gusinsky helped Yeltsin win the electionshave no power to 'fight on fronts', Chechnya is
enlisting the services of the establishment-sponsoredpervaded with separatist and terrorist agents. Raids
television channel NTV, it was the direct conversionand acts of terrorism still obtain in the region, and
of a media resource into power.Earlier in 1994even spread to the country at large.Third. Vladimir
Alexander Korzhakov, the then Chief of thePutin has not yet created an efficient state machine.
President's Security Service, conducted - by Yeltsin'sFor example, the events in Beslan on September 1-3
instructions - the 'mug in snow' operation against2004, when more than 4,000 children and teachers
Gusinsky, so that the oligarchs could understand thatwere held hostage, prove the low efficacy of
authority should not be conflicted with, but paid offsecurity service. Under B.Yeltsin the KGB was being
(not necessarily with direct finance). So the oligarchsconsistently wrecked under pretence of fighting
began to finance media to brainwash people bycommunism (the consequences of this act are not
meting out, distorting information, misinforming,yet fully overcome). Yet not one democratic state
launching media attacks as a punishment for publiccould manage without strong security services, what
figures, orchestrating public opinion, spin control andwas really needed is to reform the former Soviet
fixing elections... For such services Berezovsky evenintelligence.Fourth. Russia should vindicate its positions
obtained an office in the government - he becamein foreign policy with more firmness. American
deputy secretary of the Security Council and waspoliticians spoke to me (Alexey Pushkov) about the
responsible for the Chechen issues (a glaringsurprise Russia's refusal to back the war in Iraq
absurdity from today's perspective!).Berezovsky andcaused with the US administration. Why did Russia
Gusinsky believed that Yeltsin's apointee Vladimirgive an impression that it could be counted on in any
Putin would let them play their games as before.matter, or that it shouldn't be reckoned with?
They were baulked in their plans. However, certainBecause it had settled for anything the USA was
agressive representatives of big business persisted indoing, be it the withdrawal from the Anti-Missile
their struggle for power - the inertia of completeDefence Treaty (the Russian government's comment:
license was too strong, the sense of omnipotence'a deplorable error') or the second round of the
struck root. 'We would beat Yeltsin all the same -NATO expansion. The US administration
while he had been learning to play domino, we hadoverestimated its influence on Moscow, but it was
mastered chess', said Leonid Nevzlin, a businessmanRussia who gave cause for this, adopting a policy too
and public relations expert. Mikhail Khodorkovsky's'comfortable' for the USA.Unfortunately, many
logic was of the same strain: the sense offeatures of Yeltsin's administration devolved on that
exclusiveness prompted him to attempt to useof Putin. The lack of publicity in legislature is one of
financial clout and gain control over the State Dumathem. We are faced with political reforms, which
and the Federation Council, thus becoming the 'powercome as if out of the blue - nobody has taken the
broker', de facto leader of the country. That splendidtrouble to explain their essence and prove their
coup was thwarted - Putin's government wouldn'tnecessity. This is said to be the traditional Russian
play either domino or chess with Khodorkovsky, itauthoritarian style of administration. But bad traditions
simply upturned the table. Some say it wasn't nice orshould be changed, unless the government is willing
fair. Perhaps. But it was not fair play on the part ofto stand aloof from its people.The main dangers
Khodorkovsky in the first place.Khodorkovsky'simpending over Putin's administration are as
political failure as the failure of converting money intofollows.The first is the situation in Chechnya. The
power was logical. Yeltsin depended on the oligarchs,efficiency of Putin's policy largely depends on his
as he had no other 'point of rest', being politically andability to settle the Chechen conflict. If the 'vertical of
physically infirm, unpopular, and undergoing persistentpower' built by him does not yield fruit in that region,
pressure from the left wing. Contrariwise, Putin ishe will fail to convince the country in the necessity of
popular; he succeeded in uniting the elite and wasexerting control. It is precisely the issue of Chechnya
able to move away from the oligarchs.Some politicalthat will be the touchstone of Putin's policy, both in
scientists maintain that the restriction of big businessRussia and internationally. The Chechen war and
power is wrong, as it entails the omnipotent powerterror became Putin's gravest challenges, which
of State bureaucracy. True, the official powersdemand the consolidation of power, strengthening of
should be counterbalanced, otherwise the Statethe State, and in some cases, turning the screw. But
becomes overpowering (this was Russia's permanentif the screws are tight, and the vehicle does not
political bane, but the country needed it because ofmove, the question of the adequacy of such a policy
its size, climate and a number of other factors). Butwill arise.The second danger (more prominent during
Yeltsin's immoral big business is not the kind ofhis second term in office) is the appearance of
counterbalance the community needs. While Russiaconsolidated opposition. It includes the liberal politicians
was historically better off unter total power, thewho lost the election in the Duma, but have a solid
oligarchs would retain it, but make it inhuman andsupport of big business, their own financial resources,
anti-national - even more unscrupulous, mercenaryand a substantial backing from abroad. They are
and corrupt. State totalitarianism would turn intoeager to score political points using the government's
oligarchal totalitarianism. There was but imitation ofmistakes. For example, against the logic of their liberal
democracy under Yeltsin, but if Khodorkovsky couldmarket views, they are attacking the monetisation of
have gained power, the political pseudodemocracyperquisites for pensioners. They are doing it, because
might have turned into oligarchal pseudodemocracy,the authority is vulnerable in this poorely prepared
with its arsenal of manupulative and venal media. Thereform. The next power standing in opposition to
restriction of oligarchal influence on the policy andPutin is the 'exiled' oligarchs. Berezovsky, Gusinsky,
strategy of the State is necessary. Giving a resoluteNevzlin are people with resources, and have
check to Khodorkovsky's plans, Putin made himconnections in the West. Berezovsky is quite frank in
understand that individuals (even very rich ones)saying that his principal goal is to weaken Putin's
cannot dictate the policy to the State.Fifth. Putinregime. Then, the government is opposed by certain
proclaimed the foreign policy based on nationalliberal media (which include several central TV
priorities. Under Yeltsin it was based on absolutelychannels of Russia), especially their aggressive part
different principles: the first postulate was that Russiabacked by the oppositional big business. A part of
should at all costs become the part of civilised world,national and regional elite, displeased at the decision
implying the West; the second was that Russia hasthat regional governors be appointed by the
no national interests basically different from those ofPresident (and apprehending the restoration of the
the USA; the third was that Russia should completelyunitarian state), may also join the opposition. A part
reject the use of force in solving its political problems,of liberal intelligentsia and the communists joining the
as it is 'undemocratic'.Over the past 10 years weliberals on certain points also swing against the
have seen other nations solve their problems byadministration. Finally, the anti-Russian and anti-Putin
various methods, including, alas, the use of force as,forces in the West are also opposed to Putin. All the
for instance, in Bosnia or in Iraq.We also realised, thatmentioned forces are, however, largely outnumbered
the course of equating Russia's political interests withby Putin's supporters (in Russia the ratio is about one
those of US or EU is not absolutely correct. Putinto ten). Nevertheless, they should be reckoned
agreed with the USA in the crucial issue of fightingwith.Putin has few propagandists of his ideas and
terrorism, but he made it clear that our countries'proposals. He himself has to explain his home and
views on some other issues differ. He is not afraid toforeign policy, the ideas of his political reforms. His
say that Russia has inherent interests in the countriespress secretaries and information services keep
of the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States),silence, although it is their duty to compete with the
even if it may annoy some political parties abroad.huge bulk of anti-Putin propaganda. The system lacks
However, the practical realisation of Russia's nationalpeople with active ideological and political thinking,
interests may be impeded by two factors: thecapable of supporting its plans and decisions. And this
cosmopolitan character of big business and theis in the face of strong opposition, nostalgic for
'anational' mentality of the younger generation ofYeltsin's Russia - weak, docile, corrupt, and
Russians, formed during the past 10 years.'Payingdisintegrating.However, if the efficiency of
taxes is our only duty, and we owe nobody but Godadministration rises, the economy grows, the
and our conscience', Peter Aven, a business andopposition will have to bear Putin's 'authoritarian
media tycoon, said in his interview. Yes, but if anliberalism'. Conversely, if there are no tangible results,
individual knows neither God nor conscience? Whyhe will be accused of sacrificing democracy. Putin
should big business detach itself from the rest of themust prove that his model is efficient.The period of
nation? Russia's big business is essentiallyauthoritarian development is inevitable. The liberals
cosmopolitan, not to say anti-national.As for thecondemn Putin's policy as restoration, but restoration
'anational' mentality, it becomes apparent from theis a normal practice for any country after a sharp
fact that younger people, even those whose major'side slip'. If a nation loses capacity for correcting its
at universities is political science, sometimes question'side slips', it may, like a car, roll over at a sharp turn
the necessity of Russia's 'special attutude' towardsof history. Restoration is the nation's adaptation to
certain issues. 'Why don't we just trim ourselves tonew conditions, its self-regulation, aligning a car after
the US position?', they ask. The notion of 'nationala drastic side slip.
interests', as well as patriotism, has been decried as